La Vida Locavore is the blog for anyone whose crazy life includes planting, growing, weeding, fertilizing, raising, picking, harvesting, processing, cooking, baking, making, serving, buying, selling, distributing, transporting, composting, organizing around, lobbying about, writing about, thinking about, talking about, playing with, and eating food!
Agriculture
Chair: Blanche Lincoln (D-AR)
- Max Baucus (D-MT)
- Michael Bennet (D-CO)
- Sherrod Brown (D-OH)
- Bob Casey (D-PA)
- Kent Conrad (D-ND)
- Kirsten Gillibrand (D-NY)
- Tom Harkin (D-IA)
- Amy Klobuchar (D-MN)
- Pat Leahy (D-VT)
- Ben Nelson (D-NE)
- Debbie Stabenow (D-MI)
- Saxby Chambliss (R-GA)
- Thad Cochran (R-MS)
- John Cornyn (R-TX)
- Chuck Grassley (R-IA)
- Mike Johanns (R-NE)
- Dick Lugar (R-IN)
- Mitch McConnell (R-KY)
- Pat Roberts (R-KS)
- John R. Thune (R-SD)
Appropriations
Chair: Daniel Inouye (D-HI) Ag Sub-Committee
Chair: Herb Kohl (D-WI)
- Byron Dorgan (D-ND)
- Dick Durbin (D-IL)
- Dianne Feinstein (D-CA)
- Tom Harkin (D-IA)
- Tim Johnson (D-SD)
- Ben Nelson (D-NE)
- Jack Reed (D-RI)
- Robert Bennett (R-UT)
- Christopher Bond (R-MO)
- Sam Brownback (R-KS)
- Thad Cochran (R-MS)
- Mitch McConnell (R-KY)
- Arlen Specter (R-PA)
Health, Education, Labor, & Pensions
- Chris Dodd (D-CT)
Agriculture
Chair: B Collin Peterson (D-MN)
V. Chair: B Tim Holden (D-PA)
B Joe Baca (D-CA)
- John Boccieri (D-OH)
B* Leonard Boswell (D-IA)
- Bobby Bright (D-AL)
B* Dennis Cardoza (D-CA)
- Travis Childers (D-MS)
B Jim Costa (D-CA)
- Henry Cuellar (D-TX)
- Kathy Dahlkemper (D-PA)
B Brad Ellsworth (D-IN)
- Debbie Halvorson (D-IL)
B Stephanie Herseth Sandlin (D-SD)
- Steve Kagen (D-WI)
- Larry Kissell (D-NC)
B Frank Kratovil (D-MD)
- Betsy Markey (D-CO)
B Jim Marshall (D-GA)
P Eric Massa (D-NY)
B Mike McIntyre (D-NC)
- Walt Minnick (D-ID)
B Earl Pomeroy (D-ND)
- Mark Schauer (D-MI)
- Kurt Schrader (D-OR)
B David Scott (D-GA)
B Zachary Space (D-OH)
- Timothy Walz (D-MN)
- Frank Lucas (R-OK)
- Bill Cassidy (R-LA)
- K. Michael Conaway (R-TX)
- Jeff Fortenberry (R-NE)
- Virginia Foxx (R-NC)
- Bob Goodlatte (R-VA)
- Sam Graves (R-MO)
- Timothy Johnson (R-IL)
- Steve King (R-IA)
- Robert Latta (R-OH)
- Blaine Luetkemeyer (R-MO)
- Cynthia Lummis (R-WY)
- Jerry Moran (R-KS)
- Randy Neugebauer (R-TX)
- Phil Roe (R-TN)
- Mike Rogers (R-AL)
- Jean Schmidt (R-OH)
- Adrian Smith (R-NE)
- Glenn Thompson (R-PA) *=House Organic Caucus member B=Blue Dog Democrat
Appropriations
Chair: Dave Obey (D-WI) Ag Sub-Committee
Chair: P Rosa DeLauro (D-CT)
- Sanford Bishop (D-GA)
* Allen Boyd (D-FL)
- Lincoln Davis (D-TN)
*P Sam Farr (D-CA)
*P Maurice D. Hinchey (D-NY)
P Jesse L. Jackson, Jr. (D-IL)
P Marcy Kaptur (D-OH)
- Jack Kingston (R-GA)
- Rodney Alexander (R-LA)
- Jo Ann Emerson (R-MO)
* Tom Latham (R-IA) *=House Organic Caucus member
P=Congressional Progressive Caucus
Education and Labor
P Chair: George Miller (D-CA)
- Jason Altmire (D-PA)
- Robert Andrews (D-NJ)
- Timothy Bishop (D-NY)
P Yvette Clarke (D-NY)
- Joe Courtney (D-CT)
- Susan Davis (D-CA)
P Marcia Fudge (D-OH)
P Raul Grijalva (D-AZ)
P Phil Hare (D-IL)
- Ruben Hinojosa (D-TX)
P Mazie Hirono (D-HI)
- Rush Holt (D-NJ)
- Dale Kildee (D-MI)
P Dennis Kucinich (D-OH)
P Dave Loebsack (D-IA)
- Carolyn McCarthy (D-NY)
P Donald Payne (D-NJ)
- Jared Polis (D-CO)
- Robert Scott (D-VA)
- Joe Sestak (D-PA)
- Carol Shea-Porter (D-NH)
P John Tierney (D-MA)
- Dina Titus (D-NV)
- Paul Tonko (D-NY)
P Lynn Woolsey (D-CA)
- David Wu (D-OR)
- Buck McKeon (R-CA)
- Judy Biggert (R-IL)
- Rob Bishop (R-UT)
- Bill Cassidy (R-LA)
- Michael Castle (R-DE)
- Vernon Ehlers (R-MI)
- Luis F Fortuno (R-PR)
- Brett Guthrie (R-KY)
- Peter Hoekstra (R-MI)
- Duncan D. Hunter (R-CA)
- John Kline (R-MN)
- Kenny Marchant (R-TX)
- Tom McClintock (R-CA)
- Cathy McMorris Rodgers (R-WA)
- Thomas Petri (R-WI)
- Phil Roe (R-TN)
- Todd Russell Platts (R-PA)
- Tom Price (R-GA)
- Mark Souder (R-IN)
- GT Thompson (R-PA)
- Joe Wilson (R-SC) P=Congressional Progressive Caucus
We've all heard that bloggers are interconnected. We hear that the lead is being taken by bloggers these days in breaking stories or fact checking them, since the blogs are rooted in such a wide diversity of people. We hear how blogs can quickly get right to the bottom of an issue.
We've heard similar things about video. A video from an ordinary person can suddenly go viral.
Recently someone suggested to me through my YouTube channel that Twitter was the place to be: "I recently came across your zmag blog .... Much of the way that discussions about food/ag are getting moved into the mainstream is via twitter.... the tech has shifted." It's hard to keep up.
Of course, we've also heard that information on the internet can be unreliable. It doesn't have the standards of scientific scholarship, or even of the mainstream media of the past. Information can go viral AND be false, half true and/or technically true but misleading.
So how does this all play out for farm and food justice work within these domains?
Since some people here show interest in knowing how farm subsidies really work, here's a closer look at how they're calculated for real farms. For an Iowa farm, similar calculations for soybeans could be added. Some of the remaining tillable land might be in permanent pasture, and most probably in soybeans, but depending upon the farm. A hilly farm may have much more pasture, and also CRP.
So, here's an example of the farm program for four Iowa farms. It's based upon two of our farms (which have different historical numbers, and other typical examples). I've rounded off the numbers and given identical (example) farm sizes.
Ok, here's a way to look at some of these subsidy numbers:
Ok, as a farmer, I start with cost of production per bushel (ERS full costs):
2008 -$3.68. (That's 54% higher costs than 2003, about 9% increase per year.)
Ok on corn a direct payment of 28 cents per bushel (same as 2003) to make up for the loss. (Well, a fraction of that)
2008: $0.28 x historical prog. yield (which might be 80% of real current yield) = $0.23
And then multiply by a percent of the acreage so it's reduced again.
2008: $0.23 x .833 = .19 (it was 85% in 2003, as Jill showed).
Ok, full costs vs income from direct payments.
2008 - $2.68 + $0.19 = - 2.49
So with a 50% rise in costs you get a slightly less in benefits 2008 vs 2003. Theoretically these are the "good" subsidies, "decoupled." (D. Ray: http://agpolicy.utk.edu/weekco... .) You're not "distorting trade." Everyone supports this, right. It's part of WTO philosophy, supported by Bread for the World and the Religious Working Group on the Farm Bill. Of course, that means farmers get the subsidy even on a rare year above costs, like 2008. Green Box? So don't praise it then turn around and bash it? Ok, the idea is that farmers will almost always lose money, (ie. 1981-2006; ie. Ray, lack of price responsiveness) so it's no big deal, right?
Ok Counter Cyclical payments. You only get it when you need it. Bad!!!? Not decoupled. In WTO theory it distorts Trade. (but see Daryll Ray)
How much for corn? If the market price falls below the Target Price you get it, up to the limit.
Ok, remember the full costs above: 2008 - $3.68. Well if the price falls way down to the Target Price, then you get some compensation. Ok, below $3.68 when prices fall you get 19-20 cents to make up for a drop down to the Target price, a drop of over $1.00.
Target Price
2003: $2.60 2008: $2.63 (as costs went up 50%)
You get countercyclical subsidies down to the Loan Rate.
2003: $1.98 2008: $1.95
So the gaps are: 2008: $2.63 - $1.95 = $0.68 subsidy per bushel of corn?
Well, except it's based upon program historic yield (maybe 80%) and acreage rules.
2008 $0.68 x 80%? = $0.54 x .833 = $0.45 (As Jill showed, it was 85% of acreage back in 2003)
So, if prices crash ANOTHER 68 cents (they've already fallen more than $1.00 and you already got a fraction of $0.28), you get about 45 cents as compensation for the free market losses. If they only crash down to, say, $2.65, you get no countercyclical payment.
Ok, subsidy number 3, Loan Deficiency Payments. You only get them if prices fall all the way down to the Loan Rate. Then you get compensated based upon actual yields. If you don't have a yield, (ie. Crop failure) that's a problem.
Ok, but under some conditions, this is still better than the ACRE program, which substitutes for some of these subsidies.
Ok, if prices crash (there's no price floor or supply management to prevent it), then, on the way down you get some subsidies, here and there. I've translated it into per bushel terms, like 2003 or 2008 farming, even though that's not how it's actually calculated.
In the fall of 2008, the GAO found that the USDA had screwed up. While the very wealthy were ineligible for commodity subsides, the USDA wasn't talking to the IRS to make sure that those who were ineligible were actually excluded. It was a $49 million "oops" that sent free cash to 2500 people who shouldn't have gotten it. The Obama administration has been working to fix this. In March they said that farmers would have to sign a form allowing the IRS to send income information to the USDA for verification, and now there is more news.
In response to Jill Richardson's "New Years Eve Daryll Ray-a-thon," in discussion in the comments, I tried to explain some of the politics and history of subsidies so people can more easily tell what side someone is really on when they talk about subsidies. One response got a bit long, so I'm posting it here instead.
Some Brief History of Subsidy Politics
The policies in the gray box (price floors etc.) came out of the New Deal, Roosevelt, evolving through several farm bills and the Steagall Amendment 1941 (banking committee) for farm parity as an economic stimulus (like we need today, instead of losing money on farm exports and driving down world prices, hurting wealth and jobs creation in farm areas including LDCs).
Prior to Roosevelt, for decades farm prices were usually low with many "panics." Coming from Hoover into Roosevelt in the Depression, my family saw 7¢ corn and lost the farm. During the 1980s farm crisis my mother recalled this time (young teen then): " My Uncle Clyde wasn't able to get my dad a job in the creamery or anywhere else. This was the summer of 1932, and the depression got even worse. We couldn't pay the rent, so in the fall we had to move up to Aunt Alice's and move into their upstairs! I felt terrible that we had to move in with relatives. Now I realize how my folks must have felt! The most humiliating thing of all was that my mother had to get Stewart to drive her over to Uncle Bill's and ask to borrow some money! I imagine he said, 'I told you so!'"
New Deal policies take it through Truman, with no commodity subsidies except a few on cotton in the early 30s. We had 100% of parity in agriculture overall 1942-52. Program costs in one estimate were about $13 million in the black, meaning that the government made money on the program through interest on price floor loans. So with price floors and effective supply management, and with international implementation as advocated by the Africa Group at WTO (and by EU in the 80s) it can work. So no subsidies were really needed.
Under Eisenhower price floors were lowered, however, lowering market prices, as the NFO rose up to oppose the drops. Price floors were lowered further decade by decade (Under Republican and Democratic Presidents, but pushed more by Republicans in congress for big business) until they were ended (dropped to zero) in 1996. One exception was the price spike during the 70s caused by the secret Russian grain deal ("The Great American Grain Robbery").
Introducing Subsidies
But in the mean time, subsidies were added to quiet down angry farmers. Subsidies compensated for farmer losses (which is rarely mentioned in most recent subsidy discussions).
Subsidy compensations were part of Nixon/Butz policy. With the 70s price spike costs raced upward. Farmers won a rise in price supports (Carter) to address skyrocketing costs, but not back up to parity and not enough to prevent the 80s farm crisis. The rise of the devastating crisis, in hindsight, occurred under the better farm bill than we've seen since.
Reagan greatly increased subsidies, but lowered price floors even more. Farmers got more from the government for a lowering of farm income. Bush senior continued this.
Clinton slightly raised the price floor, and vetoed Freedom to Farm once before signing it in the Gingrich era. FtoF called for new "decoupled" (Direct Payment) subsidies for a few years, declining and ending for a free market (Hooverism/think 7¢ corn). This was quickly seen as a way to destroy farming, and bankers joined farmers to win 4 emergency farm bills which added a second kind of (counter cyclical) subsidy. I think LDP (3rd kind) was an administrative option that Clinton implemented to address the crisis. So farmers ended with another big increase in subsidies and a total reduction in farm income, since market prices with no price floors, fell even more. This was massive dumping on LDC farmers, not caused by subsidies, but by zero price floors/supply management. So CAFOs and processors got the hidden benefits.
Another trend here is that many farm state Democrats continued to advocate for New Deal style programs over the decades of decline. During the 1980s when farmers were again activated in a large number of groups such a farm bill was formulated and won quite a few votes in congress. It was known variously as the Farm Policy Reform Act, The Save the Family Farm Act, and the Harkin-Gephardt Farm Bill (Harkin in Senate, Gephardt in House, both Democrats). Today it continues as the National Family Farm Coalition's "Food from Family Farms Act." The main groups supporting this bill or similar concepts include the National Family Farm Coalition and its members, the Institute for Agriculture and Trade Policy, Food and Water Watch, the American Corn Growers Association (not the National Corn Growers Association), the American Agriculture Movement, and the National Farmers Organization.
In 2002 when Tom Harkin became chairman of the Senate Ag Committee he switched sides. He stopped advocating for price floors and supported a greened up version of the worst Republican Farm Bill since Hoover, a green Freedom to Farm. That goes for 2002 and 2008 farm bills. In 1996, however, Harkin and the other Democrats (ie. Gephardt, Daschle, Wellstone) totally rejected this kind of a farm bill. But all of them followed Harkin in a Green Freedom to Farm.
During the 1980s mainline churches also supported this kind of farm bill. Today they support some version of a Greened up version of the Republican Freedom to Farm, as do most other progressive groups including the food movement, environmental movement and sustainable agriculture movement.
Sustainable and Organic farmers are a special case. During the 1990s in trying to stop Freedom to Farm, the family farm movement worked hard to bring in sustainable and organic farm coalitions (SAWGs, NCSA, SAC) but failed and they have consistently supported some version of Green Freedom to Farm (big subsidies, no price floors or supply management). Their policies provide or would continue multibillion dollar below cost gains for CAFOs and even bigger gains for Cargill (beyond billion in CAFO gains) and ADM. Sustainable/organic folks have won greener subsidies like organic EQIP and CSP, but at those costs. Likewise, when Michael Pollan, in Food Inc. and Fresh, speaks of cheap junk foods, Green Freedom to Farm Policies, with no price floors, do not raise the prices on corn, etc. So when Pollan speaks of "subsidized corn" it's misleading. The low/no price floors caused the low prices and the cheaper high fructose cory syrup and corn/soy transfats, as can be seen historically. The subsidies prevent the destruction of farmers. The bigger the farm, the bigger the losses to be compensated by subsidies. Again, this is rarely mentioned when bashing farm subsidies. Of course there are some economies of scale with larger farms, which changes their need somewhat.
So ending, greening, and/or capping subsidies are not policies that address the biggest CAFO benefits, processor benefits, ethanol benefits, exporter benefits against LDC farmers. By the way, "family farm" advocates and their friends (ie. La Via Campesina with 200 million members) lost over and over on the price floor issue (without much food/consumer/environmentalist/organic help, and still today without help). So some of them invested in ethanol to try to raise prices (and end processor below cost gains, dumping on LDC farmers). So they lose money on corn, but then make it on ethanol, or in 2008, made money on corn but lost in on ethanol. No where have I seen this understood in the progressive community outside of NFFC related groups.
(Least Developed Countries are 70% rural. The US has long had huge export market shares of some commodities, bigger than the middle East in Oil, but our leaders tried to get low world prices, not high world prices with it's clout, (clout of well above 50% export market share for corn and soybeans, for example, or up to +80%, but less each decade).
Subsidies vs Price Floors for the 2008 Farm Bill
Today these issues appear to be almost totally unknown outside of NFFC and its friends. EWG listed 477 mainstream media articles supporting their position in support of a Green version of the Republican Freedom to Farm Act. The Kind Flake Amendment and probably all others amount to the same.
Sometimes Republicans support Hooverism instead of what we have had since 1996, which is Hooverism (free markets and free trade) with subsidy protection for farmers in rich countries. Low subsidy caps are a way to force large farms out of business or to force them to break up. It would probably be a kind of land reform, like forcibly running them out of business or making them illegal. Note that in the 90s we had a $50,000 cap and called for $25,000, while well meaning progressives have recently called $200,000 cap a good step. But these measures have nothing to do with price floors, and do not solve any of the big problems.
Cargill and DAM (and to a lesser degree, Tyson and Smithfield) are the huge beneficiaries of all the diversionary talk about subsidies, with no mention of price floors. What they've bought in Congress is policy that blames farmers and leads to no mention that the policies are designed primarily to benefit them, even at the expense of America losing money on farm exports of the major commodities virtually every year for a quarter century. If you look at the EWG 477 editorials, you'll probably find hundreds of criticisms of farmers (who are merely partially compensated for losses caused by the lack of price floors) for every criticism of these real beneficiaries. Not also that Cargill, DAM, (processors and exporters) Tyson and Smithfield (poultry hog CAFOs) and the others (ie. Kelloggs).
You can find footnotes for much of this in my Zspace blog articles, as well as many links to online sources. I am also one place that explores this movement crisis online. I've seen NO other place online that writes much on these issues, especially in reference to mainline churches, hunger groups (Bread for the World and Oxfam are among the worst on the Commodity Title issues I raise), sustainable agriculture, and the food movement. (I link a few things from IATP on myths and APAC's Daryll Ray on some media/etc. misunderstandings, however.)
Further Reading and Links
From my blog see especially my "foodie" and food movement pieces, such as my comparison of the National Corn Growers Association with so called progressives that supposedly hold radically different views: http://www.zmag.org/blog/view/...
My "Farm Bill FACTs: Commodity Title: A Family Farm View" briefly goes right down a list of the main things I hear in the food movement and among the other groups I see as similarly missing the real issue, and then proves them wrong with online links: http://www.zmag.org/blog/view/...
If you look around at (http://www.zmag.org/zspace/bradwilson) you'll see where I have footnoted pieces.
With my boyfriend at work all night, I figured I'd get a headstart on my 2010 resolutions by reading everything by Daryll Ray that I could get my hands on. He's an absolutely amazing expert on agricultural policy and I don't read his stuff often for two reasons: First, because you have to think and pay attention while you read it, and second, because Google Reader gives it to me in PDF form. But now I'm supposed to be writing a series in ag subsidies and there is absolutely NO getting around reading Daryll Ray. If there's something intelligent to say about ag subsidies, he's the one who would have said it and I should definitely read it. Care to join me?
Below I've posted links to the Daryll Ray columns I found most interesting, and I promise they aren't PDFs.
I thought I'd have a little fun and see who gets the most subsidy money. I also took a look at which states grow the most of some commodity crops that receive subsidies - corn, soy, wheat, rice, and cotton.
The results? 10 out of 21 members of the Senate Ag Committee comes from the top 10 farm subsidy recipient states. Go figure.
Also interesting is that the #1 rice and #2 cotton state's Senator, Blanche Lincoln, currently chairs the ag committee. Her policy advisor from 2000-2001 (Ben Noble) currently lobbies for the National Cotton Council and the USA Rice Federation. And Monsanto.
The Big Ag radio show AgriTalk interviewed new Senate Ag Committee chair Sen. Blanche Lincoln this past week. I've transcribed the interview (minus a lot of "um, you knows") below and if you get lost in the Senator's long-winded rambling statements, check out my translations of what she's trying to say.
Bloggers and even the mainstream media (See Nightline's terrific report) have done a great job in pinpointing the Smithfield factory hog farm and the public health dangers of industrial animal production in Mexico as a prime suspect in the swine flu epidemic.
However, the larger connections to U.S. farm subsidy policy, NAFTA have not been adequately understood and explored.
Following up on my post from yesterday, Food Democracy Now says the relevant USDA official's e-mail inbox is full and bouncing back messages. Comments must be received by close of business today:
Please send your comments to: Dan McGlynn via Mara Villegas at: mara.villegas@wdc.usda.gov
[...]
At this point you can do 1 of 3 things:
1. You can resend your comments to mara.villegas@wdc.usda.gov
2. Fax the letter in at: (202) 690-2130
3. Go to Regulation.gov and send your letter in using that website form.
Last Sunday (the 22nd), I left for Washington, DC. I went on a trip with my synagogue to meet up with a bunch of other Jewish high school students, where we helped the homeless, lobbied Congress (I was wrong in my previous post - I only met with my Senator, not all of the ones I listed), met with AIPAC, learned about mortgages for low income families, and a lot more interesting stuff.
It was a great trip. I feel like I actually do have a bit of power in this corrupt, mangled political system of ours, and I'd love to tell you why.
What's our friend Mr. Vilsack been up to? Well, the cutest thing he did was definitely his meeting with Cookie Monster. Cookie Monster was in D.C. looking for cookies. I think he might have been more successful if he were looking for pork (I'm sure John McCain would have been happy to help him find it).
"We will do our best to frame this discussion..so that people understand: 30 million children, 90,000 farmers...It is a tough choice, but it's a choice that folks are going to have to make."
But is that really the question? Kids vs. Farmers? Even if the USDA has a finite budget and money for one program means money taken from somewhere else, let's consider the overall federal budget:
If we need more money for farmers or kids, let's take it from the bloated Pentagon budget instead of pitting farmers and kids against one another. Surely there's a Cold War-era obsolete defense program somewhere we could cut.
But beyond that, both kids and farmers are screwed by the very same companies. All the usual suspects - ADM, Cargill, ConAgra, Tyson, Monsanto, etc.
If you feel, as I do, food is a progressive issue.
A fundamental responsibility of our government is to protect the common good. We take for granted, clean drinking water, protection of our national parks, and drug safety. While the government falls short in all these areas, Americans have real expectations of their government.
Why don't our expectations extend to food? I don't mean food safety (such as preventing the conditions described in "The Jungle" that prompted creation of the FDA), I am talking about government support of bad food. An example -- government subsidies for "commodity corn." Commodity Corn is inedible but is the raw material in processed foods. The corn is turned into a variety of products like High-fructose corn syrup, or fed to livestock in manufacturing line slaughterhouses.
Add the negative impacts of agribusiness -- pesticide runoff in our water systems, the epidemic of obesity, diabetes, and other food sourced diseases, fertilizer contamination of our air, water and food, and the problems come into sharp focus.
I advocate a "Healthy Food Initiative" that will change the paradigm in America. Imagine creating an infrastructure for a healthy, affordable food system by shifting massive subsidies from the pockets of Agribusiness to a system that rewards America's farmers, ranchers, fisherman, and others who feed us, for growing healthy food while protecting our environment. We can do this with tax credits for farmers who reduce the use of pesticides and herbicides. We can promote family farm ownership. We can invest in community garden areas in urban areas. These are some possibilities to change our food future.
Imagine a food future where food contributes to America's greatness, rather than just our GNP. Imagine a food future that promotes healthy life styles and a clean environment. Imagine a food future where environmental footprints is more important than shelf space foot prints for packaged food. Imagine a food future where children learn to select foods for their value, not their sugary cartoon images. It is time to stop imagining. It is time to make this imagination of a food future a present reality. It is time to be the change we want to be. I feel that food is our future -- healthy food is our birthright. Won't you join me in supporting my "Healthy Food Initiative"? It is time for a fresh start. It is time for healthy food.
Steve Young, Democrat for Congress, [Ca-48] "For a fresh start"
(I'm thrilled to have Farm Bill Girl & George Naylor's contributions appearing on our site! George lives in Iowa (which as you know recently flooded) so I can imagine he's got a lot going on and I'm grateful he took the time to contribute to this diary! - promoted by OrangeClouds115)
This oped was a collaboration between me and George Naylor, an Iowa corn and soybean farmer and past president of the National Family Farm Coalition. George was featured in Michael Pollan's book "Omnivore's Dilemma."
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